GEOPOLITICA VOL XIV– N. 1/2025 – Gennaio-Giugno – January-June

Maps are traditionally considered tools for objectifying space, thanks to the symbolic rules and conventions that define their use. However, the perspective of critical geopolitics highlights how visual simplification contributes to the construction of deep anthropogenic meanings for borders and physical elements. This approach intersects with the shift from hard power concepts, tied to physical and territorial advantages, to soft power dynamics, in which culture, values, and symbols play a crucial role. In the representation of conflicts, maps play a key role as narrative devices that translate complex situations into visually accessible images. Graphic elements such as arrows and colors, now part of the media language, are used not only to represent wars but also for topics like pandemics and migratory flows, influencing public perceptions, and embedding themselves in security discourses. With the advent of platformization, map production has become democratized, moving from expert systems to participatory practices supported by online platforms. Through the neogeography framework, this study analyzes how commercial platforms redefine spatial representation and how maps, in the context of popular geopolitics, are used for both elite confrontations and broader public engagement. This study will explore concrete examples, such as the Russia-Ukraine conflict, to reflect on the role of maps in political dialectics. In conclusion, this study addresses the opportunities offered by participatory map-making in challenging established power structures.

This article aims to analyse how a border situated along a frontier with strong divergences and contrasts from the socio-economic and cultural point of view and affected by the different flows of globalization can take on a particular functioning, operating in a variable opening regime. The border of Ceuta, a Spanish city in North Africa surrounded by Morocco, is part of the frontera sur, a concept of historical importance for Spain as a historical belt of containment against Islam. Today the growth of migratory flows has given new geopolitical rilevance to this border for Madrid. At the same time Morocco has always claimed possession of Ceuta. However – through a review of the existing literature and analysis of some events of geopolitical importance in recent years – the article also aims to demonstrate how, for Rabat, Spanish sovereignty over Ceuta is today more convenient because of the possibility to use migratory flows as a means of blackmail towards Spain and EU, which have militarized the border in recent years. Despite this, the economic needs of Ceuta and Morocco have led to the development of an economy that crosses the border daily. This boundary therefore operates in a regime of selective permeability: while the control of irregular flows is strengthened, on the other hand there is the economic interest in tolerating a certain type of migration. The theoretical results of the article show that the geopolitical and economic interests of Spain and Morocco promote the maintenance of the current status quo of asymmetric border operation, alternating crises between the two countries where the migration instrument serves to promote national geopolitical interests.

This paper examines the concept of boundaries and frontiers within the framework of strategic doctrines, beginning with the Roman Empire and tracing its development through the works of key geopolitical theorists: Friedrich Ratzel, Halford Mackinder, and Karl Haushofer. It begins by analyzing the Roman conception of limes as both a physical and symbolic frontier, central to the empire’s territorial expansion, military defense, and political ideology. The study then shifts to the late 19th and early 20th centuries, examining how Ratzel’s ideas on territorial expansion, Haushofer’s concept of the “geopolitical space”, and Mackinder’s theories on strategic geography continued to emphasize the centrality of frontiers in shaping power dynamics and global strategies. By juxtaposing ancient Roman and modern geopolitical thought, this paper explores how the evolution of boundary concepts reflects broader shifts in the understanding of state power, territoriality, and strategic control, with implications for contemporary geopolitics.

Frontier and border between past and modernity. With this article proposal we want to analyze the concept of border and frontier, as a symbol of cultural identity and history, but also as a geographical space that if on the one hand separates, on the other unites. Certainly, the border, understood not only in its purely geographical meaning, but as a primary institution, has always made it possible to define who is a citizen, who is a resident and who is a foreigner, who can consider himself, in his own right, a member of the political community and who is excluded. But history teaches us that borders were born to be moved, destroyed but also respected and that nothing is ever the same over time. The concept of border must be defended and respected when it defines an identity, but when it becomes a fortress that tends to ghettoize it must be overcome. To this end, the Schengen area will be discussed, an area of free movement without internal borders, what is now defined as one of the best achievements of the EU. The aim of the paper is to examine its advantages and its problems, achievements and returns to the past. The sources consulted, in addition to articles from specialized journals and monographs, will be based on the literature concerning geopolitics, international law, documents of the European Union that will emerge during the research.

Is the Mediterranean a sea destined to be a terrain for the clash of civilisations or is the Mediterranean a sea of interchange and continuity? For a long time, historians and geographers have questioned the role of this sea that separates Europe from Africa. Today, the Mediterranean resembles more and more a frontier territory. In the north there is the European Union and the states that depend on the United States’ model of global hegemony and that apparently have no interest in changing it; in the south there are the states that since the upheaval of the balances of 24 February 2022 are attempting to find their own position in order to become more important in a multipolar world. It is no coincidence that one of the wars that is threatening the unipolar order is taking place in the Middle East, which overlooks this sea and has as its protagonist the only power in the region that has a clear interest in preserving the status quo, Israel. But the Mediterranean is not only a passive space where an imaginary wall can be erected to distinguish conservative and revisionist states, it is also a strategic place used by the different powers to pursue their own interests. And right there, both commercially and militarily, a piece of the new global hegemony is at stake.

With Donald Trump’s re-election as the 47th President of the United States, Greenland has once again become a focal point on the U.S. agenda. Following his highly publicized 2019 attempt to acquire the territory, Trump, even before his official inauguration on January 20, 2025, reaffirmed his strong interest in Greenland, highlighting its strategic significance. In recent statements, he even hinted at the possibility of taking more assertive measures should an economic agreement with the Danish government fail, calling Greenland “an absolute necessity” for the United States. American interest in Greenland is far from new. Well before Trump’s 2019 proposal, made in the final stretch of his first term, there had been previous attempts by the U.S. to purchase the island from Denmark. Beyond retracing the history of U.S.-Greenland relations and shedding light on the enduring reasons behind Washington’s interest in the world’s largest island, this article examines the extent to which sovereignty, borders, and treaties hold firm in contemporary international relations—particularly when economic and geostrategic interests, often framed as matters of national security, take precedence.

This article examines the emergence of exogeography as a theoretical and operational framework for interpreting spatial, legal, and geopolitical transformations linked to humanity’s expansion beyond Earth. Focusing on the high boundary – the transitional zone between terrestrial and extraterrestrial domains – the study argues that exogeography provides essential tools for understanding new spatial practices, governance models, and geopolitical dynamics in near-Earth space. After tracing exogeography’s conceptual development from its intellectual origins to its recent institutional formalisation, the article analyses the high boundary’s technical, legal, temporal, and symbolic dimensions. It demonstrates how this threshold functions as a dynamic, contested, and multi-scalar frontier where traditional paradigms of jurisdiction encounter unprecedented challenges. The article then examines the geopolitical implications of activities at this boundary, highlighting the proliferation of orbital infrastructure, the asymmetric distribution of access capabilities, and emerging governance gaps. Case studies of specific contested incidents reveal the high boundary as an actively contested zone where legal ambiguities, technological capabilities, security concerns, and commercial interests converge. The article concludes that exogeography offers a necessary lens for interpreting outer space’s volumetric, temporal, and legal complexities, positioning it as a critical field for developing ethical, sustainable, and strategically aware frameworks for future spatial expansion beyond Earth.

This article examines the concept of cyber peacekeeping as a key paradigm in the global context of general cybersecurity. An analysis of legal aspects, its impact on sovereignty at the national and international level, as well as the digital borders of countries around the world is conducted. In addition, the study examines existing models and approaches to initiatives in the field of cyber peacekeeping and suggests ideas and ways to improve this area. Furthermore, attention is paid to aspects such as global security, national interests in cyberspace, and much more. The article emphasizes the importance of interaction between stakeholders, international cooperation in solving joint security problems. The conclusion includes a study of the development prospects of the presented concept and a description of its significance for the geopolitical context in light of growing cyber threats and digital transformation of society.

L’analisi delle dinamiche conflittuali legate alla gestione delle risorse del Mare d’Aral richiede un approccio multidisciplinare, capace di integrare prospettive storiche, politiche e ambientali per comprendere le cause profonde delle tensioni tra gli Stati rivieraschi e le implicazioni a lungo termine di tali dispute. Lo studio si propone, dunque, di esaminare il ruolo delle contese di confine nella crisi dell’area dell’Aral, indagando in che modo la frammentazione amministrativa e la mancanza di un quadro giuridico condiviso abbiano contribuito al degrado del bacino. L’obiettivo è quello di evidenziare le sfide poste dalla governance frammentata delle risorse idriche e di proporre possibili soluzioni basate su un modello di gestione integrata e cooperativa, in grado di armonizzare le esigenze ambientali ed economiche con la necessità di stabilità politica nella regione. Attraverso un’indagine critica delle politiche adottate finora e un confronto con esperienze di gestione condivisa in altre regioni del mondo, il presente studio intende offrire un contributo alla comprensione dei limiti e delle opportunità di un nuovo paradigma di cooperazione internazionale. La ricerca si pone, infine, l’obiettivo di delineare strategie concrete per il superamento delle barriere amministrative e diplomatiche, promuovendo un modello di governance idrica che favorisca il ripristino dell’ecosistema dell’area e il rafforzamento della cooperazione tra gli Stati interessati.

Iran and Iraq have transitioned from adversaries, especially during the devastating 1980-1988 war, to close allies, as evidenced by their deep collaboration today. Extending over 1600 kilometers, with nine official crossings and proximity to religious sites crucial to the Shia-majority population, their shared border serves as a vital cultural and religious bond, provides substantial security assurances, and fosters significant economic cooperation.

However, this border remains a source of tensions, including the historical territorial dispute over the Shatt al-Arab waterway, the presence of Iranian Kurdish separatist groups in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), smuggling and other illicit activities, and the large presence of non-state actors. The Iranian-backed Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF), created in 2014 to successfully fight the Islamic State in Iraq (ISIS), have played a central, though controversial, role at the Iran-Iraq border. Their integration into the Iraqi military apparatus, with some factions closely aligned with major Iraqi political parties while maintaining strong ties to Iran, has contributed to a decline in pro-Iran sentiment amid accusations of the Islamic Republic extending its influence deeper into Iraq.

Using an inductive approach with qualitative methods, this study examines cross-border dynamics through the lenses of security, economic, and religious challenges and opportunities. It argues that, despite longstanding and ongoing tensions, the Iran-Iraq border remains a crucial bridge between the two countries. Deviating from the typical framework that portrays Iran’s unilateral influence over Iraq, the study concludes that the shared border today reflects the evolution of their relationship toward greater interconnection and interdependence.

In the Indo-Pacific, emerging maritime technologies are reshaping geopolitical dynamics by challenging traditional notions of borders and sovereignty at sea. Traditionally, borders have been viewed as fixed territorial lines, but the high seas represent a contested and fluid space that challenge traditional notions of sovereignty and state authority. The paper explores the impact of advanced technologies such as autonomous vessels, maritime surveillance systems, artificial intelligence and undersea infrastructure in redefining maritime boundaries and geopolitical frontiers. These maritime technologies have further enhanced existing mapping capabilities and resource assessment allowing states to exploit and secure their maritime frontiers.

It examines how these developments challenge existing ocean governance regimes and maritime law. The paper uses a qualitative approach to analyze maritime legal frameworks and case studies of contested regions within the Indo-Pacific, such as the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. It offers valuable insights on how technological advancements transform regional maritime frontiers based on interviews with maritime law experts and discussions with policymakers. These perspectives highlight how the increasing role of technology extends state influence, reshapes legal interpretations of maritime boundaries and raises questions about the adequacy of current international legal regimes. The study contributes to understanding the role of maritime technology, its potential to alter power dynamics in the Indo-Pacific, and its implications for future ocean governance regime.

Today’s Afghan-Pakistan border – the Durand Line – was established in 1893 to demarcate the British possessions in north-west India and the territories of the Kabul Amir, Abdur Rahman Khan (r. 1880-1901). From a practical point of view, it has always proved a fragile border. Cutting across the traditional settlement areas of different Pashtun tribes has become a source of controversy since the beginning. At the same time, allowing the most troublesome of these tribes to find a safe haven in the Afghan territory, it has favoured an increase in transborder violence.

The establishment (1901) of the North-Western Frontier Province, the withdrawal of the British troops, and the introduction of the Frontier Crimes Regulations delegating to the local headmen the task of preserving law and order have been clear signs of the Line’s difficulties in insulating the British possessions from their turbulent neighbourhood. Things did not change with the end of the British Raj and the emergence of the new State of Pakistan. Quite the opposite, the ambition to integrate significant portions of Afghanistan and Pakistan into a “Greater Pashtunistan” stretching across the two sides of the border put the same idea of a dividing line under increasing pressure.

The collapse of Afghan sovereignty between the late 1980s and the beginning of the 2000s led to growing requests for a revision of the Line, requests that the different Afghan governments since the time of the monarchy to the current Taliban emirate have endorsed. Unsurprisingly, this tangled web of problems has made the porous Afghan-Pakistan border one of the most critical spots for the military security of the region, a state a thing that emphasizes the weakness of a line that, since its origin, has proved largely unable to perform the duties for which it had been conceived.

When Peter Hopkirk wrote his milestone on the roof of the World: The secret exploration of Tibet, the conditions of Dalai Lama’s country were dramatically different. In fact not only did there not exist a real border between China and India, but Tibet in itself was just an idea of Western World. Nowadays Tibetan region is the border between the two most important powers of Global South: People’s Republic of China and India.

The article starts its investigation of the meaning of the concept of ‘border’ and ‘borderland’ in Asia from the modern Era, through the “Great Game” and then decolonization period, China rising and Global South rising focusing on Tibet case. The article will move, with an inductive discourse and a comparative methodology, to the definition of border (if there is one) declined in different historical periods until today’s meaning of border at a political level, social level and perceptional level in Southern Asia.

The paper provides a comprehensive overview of the protests that occurred in the New Caledonia archipelago (a French overseas territory) in 2024. These protests, which emerged in opposition to a local electoral reform, were in fact the culmination of long-standing tensions between the local population (Kanak) and the French elite, primarily focused on the exploitation of the island’s mineral resources.

It is evident that these protests constitute a component of a more extensive series of decolonising clashes, as the Kanaks persist in perceiving France as a colonial entity. But the protests in New Caledonia thus became a theatre for a prolonged confrontation between the French state and the government of Azerbaijan, which had already been in a state of discord on other matters, and which provided the Kanak protests with at least a moral support.

This paper examines the issue of the peaceful use of space and emphasizes that currently, it is anachronistic to consider scenarios for reducing the presence of the military in this dimension. Activities in space have assumed a dual-use connotation that does not allow a simple discerning of their type and purpose or make categorizations.

Although the scientific community is making intense efforts to define the legal framework to apply in the context of a military space operation, it is not easy to demarcate what peaceful use of space means and its peculiarities/connotations. In this regard, a critical reading of the 1963 papal letter “Pacem in Terris” offers excellent insights and introduces interesting concepts, such as “common good,” “equality and balance,” and “mutual trust and solidarity” among peoples, that could represent essential drivers for the international community to reduce the actual competition and enable a peaceful co-existence, built on the common sharing of resources.

Additionally, understanding and applying its contents/lessons could help Governments intensify efforts to enable a new international order that allows safe operation in the outer space environment and shared benefits in terms of political, economic, and social development.

The article explores Nazi Germany’s nuanced policies towards Circassians and the pivotal role of Eastern units in its eventual collapse. It delves into Hitler’s initial hesitations, the formation of multicultural armies, and the blurred lines between collaboration and coercion. As Germany faced resistance, promises of freedom and autonomy were used to secure alliances, revealing the complexities of wartime allegiances and the betrayal of ideals.

First proposed in September 2013 by Chinese President Xi Jinping at Kazakhstan’s Nazarbayev University, the BRI is nowadays, ten years later, one of the world’s most articulated infrastructure programmes, thanks to which China has managed to attract countries within its own sphere of influence. In this sense, RPC has been able to strengthen itself economically as well as symbolically speaking, coming to handle, shape and reshape the so-called balance of power in its international dimension. The following article therefore aims to investigate semantically (by means of content analysis) the main speeches given by Xi on the BRI – specifically, the first one in 2013, the middle ones in 2017 and 2019, and the last one in 2023 – in order to grasp the possible narrative changes undergone by the latter and, with it, by the strategic vision adopted by China. Furthermore, it intends to investigate the Atlanticist narrative reaction to the Chinese creativity in order to better understand the evolution of the American and NATO discourses as well as the construction of new geopolitical imaginaries.

The US-Mexico border, beyond being a geographical line separating two nations, represents a crucial node in the intertwining of both countries’ national identities. This article aims to conduct an in-depth analysis of how the definition and management of this border have influenced US domestic and foreign policies, shaping its national identity over time. Starting from the premise that borders are not mere territorial delimitations, but rather social and political constructs reflecting diverse power relations, cultures, economies, and histories, the analysis will focus on the following questions: the historical evolution of the border, its impact on domestic policies, the construction of national identity, economic cooperation (NAFTA, USMCA, and future prospects), bilateral relations, and geopolitics. The geopolitical implications of border management will be examined, highlighting how tensions and cooperation between the two countries have influenced relations with other international actors and shaped US foreign policy. The analytical category of “area of influence” will be adopted. The article seeks to provide a deeper and more nuanced understanding of the central role that the border with Mexico has played in the construction of the US national identity. It will be argued that the definition and management of this border are not merely technical or legal issues, but represent an ongoing challenge to reconcile the diverse identities that make up US society and to define the US role in the world and the dimension of its area of influence.

Many political science schools of different countries have mistakenly seen the rapid reconstruction of global trade and financial flows and the profound qualitative transformation of international relations from 2014 to the present as the end of globalization and/or the triumph of regionalization. In fact, only the nature of globalization has changed. It has entered a new phase. Its distinctive feature has become the multidirectional search by all global players and the largest regional powers for strategic depth as the main resource for accelerated socio-economic development, ensuring comprehensive security and pursuing an expansionist foreign policy. The article, from the standpoint of Realpolitik, provides a brief outline of what strategic depth consists of and how it is implemented by the United States, the European Union, China, India, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Israel and Russia. The main focus of the article is on revealing how much in terms of strategic depth Russia and China can give and partially already provide to each other, and why it is not relatively modest quantitative indicators that are important for relations between Moscow and Beijing, but the reliability of bilateral ties and a common desire for a more honest and just world order. The authors examine in detail the potential for mutual strengthening of strategic depth from the point of view of Russia’s contribution to ensuring transport, logistics, energy, food, technological and other components of China’s systemic national security and the benefits that it receives in return. The synergistic effect of progress in each of the specified directions is especially important for Moscow and Beijing under current conditions of growing geopolitical risks, non-standard methods of conducting international affairs, which the new old owner of the White House, Donald Trump, is resorting to, and efforts of the EU to prevent normalization of international relations.

Classical geopolitics is nicely positioned to bring to the reader an insightful interpretation of the numerous and important ways borders and frontiers transact within the realm of international relations. The author’s intention in this article is to show those qualities for a closer interpretation of this important topic. Accordingly, this essay divides into two parts: the first, to introduce a thorough explanation of what defines the model of classical geopolitics, its assumptions, approaches, platforms, and theories, and by enlisting these and other attributes, toward suggesting its ways to visualize foreign affairs more completely and deeply. And the second, to provide the reader with examples and case studies of the play of borders and frontiers within this scope of classical geopolitics. The author will argue that in contemporary times, most borders have become less susceptible to change, reflective of a growing strength of the tenets of international law. Yet, this truth also finds countries’ sovereignties, and their borders as a result, becoming more permeable due to increasing trade, investment, and travel across frontiers, these being rather natural and positive transactions in the modern world.

La frontiera e il territorio sono in un rapporto reciproco. La comprensione e la struttura della frontiera e della territorialità cambiano nel corso della storia e sono soggette a grandi differenze regionali. Una tipologia storica delle frontiere nello spazio conosce frontiere elementari dell’essere umano, confini vaghi di territori di dominio attraverso zone di confine, frontiere militari nonché confini lineari di territori statali e coloniali. A ciò si aggiungono confini interni all’interno di entità politiche, che definiscono il rapporto tra potere locale e centrale, nonché alleanze tra entità politiche oltre i confini statali. Questi confini spaziali interagiscono in vari modi con linee divisorie basate su differenze sociali ed economiche, nonché con diverse forme espressive culturali che danno vita a somiglianze e distinzioni specifiche di gruppo. I confini sociali, economici e culturali vengono risucchiati, con l’emergere dello Stato moderno, nelle delimitazioni politiche delle frontiere. Questo contributo si avvicina al rapporto tra frontiera e territorio inizialmente dalla prospettiva della frontiera e delle sue forme nel cambiamento storico, prima che, nella parte principale, siano trattati gli ordinamenti territoriali nel corso del tempo.

The concept of limit is something intimately innate for human beings; philosophy and science demonstrated it constantly for centuries. The literature, with the myth of Odysseus, teaches that the concept of border, in its broadest sense, is destined to be continuously moved forward, every time man finds the courage to overcome it. Geopolitics is no less important, and in the political meaning of border and frontier it finds reason to ponder. In the background, the myth of Icarus’ flight, which defies every possible limit to satisfy his thirst for knowledge.

Migranti: ai confini tra Barbarie e Civiltà. Nei confronti delle migrazioni ci poniamo e opponiamo come in una guerra non dichiarata tra chi fugge e chi si oppone, chi si muove e chi sta fermo; tra dinamismo e staticità e quindi fra “barbarie” e “civiltà”. C’è chi parla di “invasione” nel vero senso politico-militare, con un aggressore che mira ad un territorio da occupare, e chi assimila i fenomeni odierni alle invasioni barbariche, caotiche e anticulturali, facendo assumere alle migrazioni di oggi tutti i connotati negativi della prima e delle seconde. Ovviamente non è così, non ci sono masse armate e organizzate per la guerra che premono ai nostri confini, l’unica minaccia concreta di guerra è rappresentata dalle stesse forze che si dichiarano nostre alleate. Così come, nel caso delle migrazioni, la concreta minaccia di tale evento non viene dai migranti ma dalle interferenze esterne e dalle contraddizioni interne all’Europa stessa. Anche affermare che i migranti scappano dalla guerra è una forzatura. Il 90% di essi scappa dai propri governi. Dai dittatori, dai governanti incapaci di assicurare un minimo di stabilità alla propria popolazione; incapaci di affrontare gli effetti di fenomeni naturali come l’incremento demografico, le carestie, la carenza d’acqua e di risorse vitali. Scappano dallo sfruttamento neo-coloniale, dai corrotti, dai grassatori e manipolatori; dalle bande locali e internazionali che li spingono fuori dal proprio sistema, li spremono nella loro migrazione e poi li respingono ben attenti a tenere sempre accesa e oliata la macchina dello sfruttamento.

This article examines the conceptual evolution of borders and frontiers in the context of a post-global world, proposing a multipolar perspective to interpret contemporary geopolitical and geographical dynamics. The permeability of borders, understood not only as physical boundaries but also as spaces of interaction and exchange, reflects the transformation of the notions of sovereignty and independence. In transcending the border as a static limit of state power, new forms of supranational cooperation emerge, redefining the concepts of ius imperii and interdependence. Simultaneously, the frontier takes shape as a mobile and fluid space, capable of expanding or contracting, mirroring the progressive reduction of cultural, economic, and political distances. The article further explores the role of the frontier as a tool for hegemony and knowledge, emphasizing how the perception of territorial limits and human interactions continually adapts to global and local dynamics.